By Artemis Alexiadou, Monika Rathert
The amount explores the syntax of nominalizations, concentrating on deverbal and deadjectival nominalizations, but in addition discussing the syntax of genitives and the syntax of detailed readings of nominalizations. the amount investigates the morpholgy-syntax interface in addition to the semantics-syntax interface within the area of nominalizations. The theoretical frameworks contain allotted morphology, and minimalist syntax. information from various languages are considered, e.g. Hebrew, Bulgarian, Serbian, French, Spanish, German and English.
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Extra info for The Syntax of Nominalizations across Languages and Frameworks
The Linguistic Review 1 (1): 81– 114. On the morphological make-up of nominalizations in Serbian Monika Bašić 1. Morphological evidence for functional layers In literature on nominalizations, it is generally agreed that deverbal nominals do not form a homogenous class. Since the seminal work of Grimshaw (1990), at least two types of nominals are distinguished, often called Complex Event nominals (CEN) and Result nominals (RN) (following Grimshaw’s (1990) terminology): (1) a. the examination of the patients took a long time b.
A coffee-grinder b. a grinder of (imported) coffee (person or machine) (necessarily a person) but not all types of event describing adjectives can be added to non-eventive instruments (under the same meaning). The noun ‘Strahl-er’ (spotlight) is derived from ‘strahlen’ (to shine); the noun ‘Lampe’ (lamp) is root derived. (i) heller Strahler – scharfer Strahler – weiter Strahler – breiter Strahler bright shiner – sharp shiner – ample shiner – wide shiner (ii) helle Lampe – #scharfe Lampe – *weite Lampe – #breite Lampe bright lamp – sharp lamp – ample lamp – wide lamp 20 Artemis Alexiadou and Florian Schäfer (24) a.
To conclude, we showed that both, [+event] as well as [–event] nominalizations are structurally identical; they involve both an eventive verbal head as well as an external argument introducing Voice projection. This crucially suggests that the categorization on the basis of the ±event dimension is misleading and should be replaced. But saying that instrumental -er nominals contain an event layer creates a problem when we come to discuss the fact that they lack CS. In this they crucially differ from other external argument -er nominals.
The Syntax of Nominalizations across Languages and Frameworks by Artemis Alexiadou, Monika Rathert