By L. Michael White
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Extra resources for Texts and Monuments for the Christian Domus Ecclesiae in Its Environment (Social Origins of Christian Architecture)
For, on the one hand,Anaximander falls short of fulfilling the conditions of promoting second-order questions and rigorous proof that ultimately, for Lloyd, characterize “Greek philosophy”; while, on the other hand, Lloyd, too, sees Anaximander as part of the background narrative that leads to Plato and Aristotle. But, whichever 19 tier we prescribe as our starting point, embracing a vision of the emergence and development of Greek philosophy as a gradual process still leaves unanswered the questions about just which factors plausibly contributed, and which individuals deserve to be included, in the historical narrative.
It almost fully echoed the 1990 work. He took up again the question of determining the causes that gave Greek philosophy and science its particular characteristics. He balked at the possibility of providing “the” or even “among” the determining causes but explored how “some of the characteristics [in philosophy] appear . . ” This list certainly echoed the 1990 work. When he addressed his fourth point about abstractions, he mentioned Anaximander by name. There, Lloyd tried to make the point that abstraction inevitably involves a kind of idealization.
The Egyptians, Babylonians, and other Mesopotamian civilizations all possessed a leisured class, thrived in cosmopolitan cities where the interchange of differing beliefs must have been great, had literacy (in scribal-form connected not to public literacy but to the record keeping of the central palace), and far surpassed the achievement of Greek technologies, but on Lloyd’s account not one of them apparently developed a tradition of the self-reflective and critical self-consciousness that characterizes the emergence of philosophy and science for the Greeks.
Texts and Monuments for the Christian Domus Ecclesiae in Its Environment (Social Origins of Christian Architecture) by L. Michael White